If there is one issue that cyclically comes back forcefully to divide Europe, it is precisely the issue of migration.
This is a phenomenon which, to all intents and purposes, is epochal and which, par excellence, cannot be solved in a simplistic way; however, the concerted solutions with difficulty in recent years continue to be limited and insufficient.
In this regard, the situation has been exacerbated by the increase in migratory flows to Europe, including the Mediterranean route that runs through Italy, with the Lampedusa hotspot currently under very strong pressure for the number of new arrivals[1].
A trend that has also been certified by EASO (European Union Asylum Agency), which has shown a considerable increase in asylum applications amounting to about 1 million, for 2022. A strong growth trend compared to previous years (+50% compared to 2021), and that is very close to the 2016 period.
To these we must add the approximately 4 million Ukrainians fleeing the war who have obtained temporary protection[2].
What made the European debate even more glowing was the opposition between the French and Italian Governments, which repeatedly clashed on the subject with extremely strong tones[3].
The difficult task of redressing the balance has, of course, been the task of the EU, which has tried with difficulty to shift the opposition within the European institutions, by making the negotiating dimension prevail at supranational level, compared to the national clash.
The opportunity to open a debate on this issue was the extraordinary European Council of 9 February, the timing of which, in addition to the issue of migration, was the war in Ukraine, the economic situation, the earthquake in Turkey and Syria, and the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue[4].
Returning to the issue of migration, the Council’s margin conclusions show that there is still a deadlock on the issue; although the Italian President, Giorgia Meloni, was satisfied with the progress made, in addition to some guidelines, there is no tangible news.
What emerged during the summit was, in fact, the full will of the leaders to strengthen border controls, with the aim of blocking irregular migrants through the adoption of new methods.
Obviously, the basis of the strategy is the desire for greater cooperation with the countries of origin and transit of migrants, essential to try, first of all, to prevent departures, but also to facilitate the management of returns, for those whose asylum applications will be rejected.
An element of law, which provides the distinctive feature of the entire plan, as well as being extremely important for understanding future decisions, is the choice to focus exclusively on the external dimension of the migration phenomenon. An orientation that seems somehow aimed at appeasing the concern of those countries most affected by the phenomenon, which is also combined with the definition given to the initiative "a European challenge that requires a European response" as if to mark how Europe will not leave individual countries alone in the face of an epochal challenge[5].
[1] https://www.open.online/2023/02/21/viminale-migranti-nazionalita-sbarchi-2023/
[2] https://www.ansa.it/europa/notizie/rubriche/altrenews/2023/02/22/un-milione-di-domande-dasilo-in-2022-e-record-da-2016_d1064845-385a-4be9-a6ed-201758f98352.html
[3] https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/politica/2022/11/11/migranti-crisi-italia-francia.-lue-tenta-la-mediazione-si-lavora-ad-un-vertice-ad-hoc_02490fa2-e4e6-4fcf-9ca9-7f719c583c54.html
[4] https://www.consilium.europa.eu/it/meetings/european-council/2023/02/09/
[5] https://it.euronews.com/my-europe/2023/02/10/rimpatri-si-ricollocamenti-no-muri-forse-la-nuova-politica-migratoria-dellue
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L'Autore
Tiziano Sini
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EU Migration EuropeanCouncil Italy France refugees