In the last period, the international chessboard seems destabilized, as witnessed by the bloody months of war in Ukraine, the protests going on in Iran, and the worsening situation in the Balkans, with the clash between Serbia and Kosovo. And there is more: the composition of a new government by Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel.
After the brief interlude marked by Bennett-Lapid[1], the center-right coalition won again the November 1 election. This round of voting, however, showed that in addition to Likud - the most voted party headed by the new president -, far-right parties, some of which until these elections never entered government executives, also played a significant role within the coalition. We are talking about Shas, United Torah Judaism, Jewish Power, Religious Zionism and Noam[2].
The scenario that emerges is, for many reasons, interesting and unprecedented. Not only because for the first time in years, a solid parliamentary majority seems to have been consolidated with 64 out of 120 seats in the Knesset but, more importantly, because of the new directions that will be taken in domestic and foreign policy in the country.
The inauguration of the new executive, which took place through the swearing in of the new president last December 29, paved the way for more news: the visit by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir on January 3 to the Esplanade of the Al Aqsa Mosques and the Rock, considered in Judaism to be the Mount of the biblical Temple destroyed two thousand years ago. A choice that goes beyond mere provocation toward Palestinian leaders, as defined by the Israeli politician himself, but one that risks triggering an extremely dangerous domino effect in the entire area, which greatly worries U.S. allies, given the delicacy and the meaning of the site[3].
However, analyzing the figure of Ben-Gvir, he is no stranger to over-the-top episodes, and often with clear racist connotations; motives that have earned him notoriety and political success, increasing the voter base of the far-right party, of which Otzma Yehudit is a member[4]. Certainly, many fears remain about the possible policy choices made by such a relevant dicastery as the one headed by Ben-Gvir, the consequences of which could rekindle tempers. The positions that have distinguished him politically, in fact, until now have been appeased by Netanyahu himself, who already intervened three years ago by confirming that he would not allow the leader of Otzma Yehudit to change the status of Jerusalem. A choice that would have led to an uprising of the entire Muslim world, as would happen even now.
However, the tables have turned, and Ben-Gvir is a key pawn in the executive, a reason that projects him to dictate his own Agenda to the Linkud allies, influencing government policies.
A similar situation also applies Bezalel Yoel Smotrich, leader of the Religious Zionist Party, who has been entrusted not only with the important Finance Department, but also with the Defense Ministry's agency, in charge of managing civil affairs in the West Bank, an important delegation that will enable the the construction of new settlements in the area. Moreover, there is the new Vice-President, Maoz, another relevant and no less unwieldy figure.
The birth of the new government seems to have opened Israel to a new era, considering the news that this could bring with the possible institutional reforms proposed, and with the relation with Palestine itself, since the internationally advocated formula of the "two-state solution" has been rejected.
In parallel, domestic choices will also have repercussions at the international level. Indeed, while the process of normalization of relations with the Persian Gulf countries that has characterized the last few years has advanced positively, at the same time a deterioration could follow, should the situation in the area deteriorate.
Finally, it will be interesting to monitor relations with Russia, also given the early telephone contact that the newly appointed Israeli Minister Cohen had with Lavrov, a clear sign of openness and willingness to engage in talks, especially in view of the coming months, which are relevant to reaching a truce in Ukraine. A scenario in which Israel could play a central role as a possible mediator during the negotiations[5].
Translated by Denise Praticò.
[1] https://tg24.sky.it/mondo/2021/06/02/israele-governo-bennett-lapid
[2] https://www.ispionline.it/it/pubblicazione/israele-di-nuovo-al-voto-36541
[3] https://www.ilpost.it/2022/12/30/nuovo-governo-netanyahu-israele/
[4] https://www.internazionale.it/opinione/pierre-haski/2023/01/04/ben-gvir-spianata-moschee
[5] https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/topnews/2023/01/03/lavrov-a-ministro-israele-rafforzare-la-cooperazione_9f392851-fb21-49db-a3d9-e075f3f60f27.html
https://pixabay.com/it/photos/bandiera-israeliano-israele-simbolo-186476/
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Tiziano Sini
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Israel Netanyahu right-wing Palestine Government Russia