INTRODUCTION
On November 20, a “new era” opened for Argentina with the victory of ultra-liberal right-wing extremist Javier Milei, who won presidential elections with 55.96% in the runoff with his opponent, Peronist Sergio Massa. His mandate officially starts on December 10, which also marks democratic Argentina’s fortieth anniversary. During Milei’s inaugural speech, he showed commitment to establish a “new era” and fight against the country’s decline. Argentina is, in fact, in a delicate situation, both from an economic and social standpoint: the President seems to have inherited a country crushed by hyperinflation, with a poverty rate of 40%. Data provided by the International Monetary Fund show that the Argentinian economy has not seen a rise in the last 12 years. As of now, the economic stagnation, debt incurrence without credit flow and limited opening to international trade led to increased instability, thus requiring multi front intervention measures.
MILEI'S PLAN
His goal is to adopt sweeping reforms for the recovery of the country. What about this “new era” pledged by the newly-elected President? On December 20, 2023, Milei introduced the Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU) as a starting point for the “reconstruction of Argentina”. The “mega-decree” became effective a few days later: it consists of wide-ranging measures concerning finance, economy, culture, sport and labor and aimed at “putting an end to the political caste” in this country by liberalizing the economy. The DNU includes more than 300 abrogations and law changes. In addition, at the end of December an “omnibus bill” was integrated, called “Law of Bases and Starting Points for the Freedom of Argentines”, involving radical state and electoral reforms. The DNU is aimed at bringing the country back to a liberal democratic model and to the economy that were established in the 1853 Constitution. The reform package consists of approximately 644 articles, and will be submitted to the Congress during an extraordinary session that started on January, 9.
Specifically, what motions are actually made?
Analyzing the decree further into detail, in the first Article a state of emergency until 2025 is established, which would further empower the executive from a legislative standpoint. In the second Article, Milei focuses on an ideal of freedom, outlining a deregulation plan both in trade and the industry, involving the privatization of 40 public companies, amongst which are those in the transportation and energy industries. Furthermore, he plans an internal market boost, expecting to raise export taxes and university fees as well. There is also one particular reform in favor of law changes that could negatively impact current legislation about environmental protection. Multiple articles fail to recognize the identity of non-binary people, while others are aimed at modifying laws concerning maternity, advocating for conception as the beginning of human life and reversing the law in support of abortion access and rights. Other important points are the PASO electoral system repeal, which eliminates primary elections, and the limitation of strikers’ rights, by applying restrictions on the definition of “protest” and “strike action”. Also, there will be cuts on public employees, since 7 thousand contracts will not be renewed next year. Clearly, the decree raises a wide range of issues of extreme importance.
PUBLIC OPINION: AN IMMEDIATE REACTION
The decree was announced on television in less than 15 minutes, when Milei leveraged the unsuccessful programs of former governments, while still not going into detail. The people immediately took to the streets, as thousands decided to join demonstrations in Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Rosario and Mar del Plata: there have been arrests, violence and clashes with the police. People question the decree’s constitutionality, trying to claim those social and civil rights that have been crushed. Actually, a decree is a legislative instrument used when it is not possible to follow the regular issuance procedure established by the Constitution. In this particular case, however, there is no state of urgency or necessity legitimating the enforcement of the decree and its norms, while a number of reforms promote the caste system instead of deconstructing it, supporting large capitals at the cost of damaging the middle and lower class. The aim of President Milei is to bypass the procedures and govern through decrees, especially since Article 99 of the Constitution of Argentina precludes the executive from having legislative powers. In other words, it is an attempt to avoid democratic practice, disregarding its principles and procedures and clearly denying civil rights. A survey by the Centro de Estudios de Opinión Publica proves that more than half of the population opposed the decree, reflecting the discontent expressed. During these first weeks, Milei’s popularity rating fell from 61% to 55% in less than 12 days. The trade unions expressed dissent as well, such as the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), the trade union federation that already called a general manifestation on December, 27, and is planning to convoke another one on January, 24. The CGT defined the plan as an “irrational, harmful outrage” and lodged an appeal against some of the reforms, thus momentarily suspending law enforcement. The Peronist Party is on the frontline, in a bid to prove the decree to be unconstitutional, followed by individual measures such as the complaint filed by a federal judge who collected public petitions to try and lodge an appeal against the ongoing abuse of power. The consequences will unfold in the following weeks: however, it is clear that in order to get the country and the people back on their feet there is the need for a radical change, without violating constitutional values and the fundamental rights of Argentinian citizens.
Translated by Elisa Bruni
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