Author: Filippo Valicenti (Junior Researcher Mondo Internazionale GEO - Economia)
Abstract
The present report analyzes fast fashion as an economic model through a comparison of two contrasting theoretical perspectives: the Lewis Model and the dependency theory. Both the growth potential and the social downsides associated with the fast fashion model are acknowledged and analyzed. By exploring the role of fast fashion in shaping Bangladesh's ready-made garment (RMG) sector, the report seeks to answer a central question: does fast fashion represent an effective pathway to economic growth and social development for producer countries in the Global South, or does it reinforce economic subordination to Western markets and transnational corporations?
Introduction
Nowadays, more than 84 per cent of Bangladesh’s export earnings are generated in the textile sector. This economic evidence clearly shows how the ready-made garment (RMG) industry represents the backbone of Bangladesh economy, accounting for about 20% of national GDP. Moreover, about four million workers are directly employed in the sector and more than 12 million workers are depending on it, according to Islam et al. (2022).
The growth of the RMG sector in the country has started during the 1980s, when global demand for cheap garments rapidly rose. This led to a significant shift in the Bangladesh economic structure, transforming the country from a predominantly rural economy into a textile-based manufacturing one.
Despite this deep and sudden change brought to a great economic expansion in Bangladesh, the country had to face many societal and environmental challenges connected to such growth.
As a matter of fact, many employees in the RMG sector are currently suffering unfair working conditions, economic struggle and cannot always count on institutions that represent and protect their interests. In this context, western brands and suppliers play an important role in perpetuating a structural dynamic of economic dependency of producer countries, in this case Bangladesh, from higher-value countries, generally the northern-occidental richer economies.
The current report aims at assessing both the socio-economic and environmental challenges connected to the (unequal) economic expansion brought by the boom of the RMG sector in Bangladesh, by relying on the comparison between two popular theoretical economic model, namely the Lewis Model — which represents the so-called modernist approach — and the dependency approach.
The aim is to identify how the issue of RMG sector expansion could be interpreted under the point of view of such theories, in order to gain a comprehensive glimpse on both the growth potential and the threats inherent to it. Such comparison approach is maintained also in the proposal of policy recommendations, as so to interpret how different solutions could be provided, according to different theoretical perspectives.
The economic model of fast fashion
In analyzing fast fashion as an economic model, two main theories will be taken into account, namely the Lewis Model — also known as Two Sectors Model — and the dependency theory.
The Lewis Model is a dualistic model of economic development created by economist W. Arthur Lewis in 1954, which divides an economy into two different parts: the Traditional (Subsistence) Sector and the Modern (Capitalist) Sector.
The Traditional Sector is usually farming-based and characterized by an over-supply of labor that leads to null marginal productivity, meaning that the marginal product created by each extra worker is null (in other words, many workers are substantially unproductive). On the other hand, the Modern Sector is characterized by being manufacture-based and driven by profit, using machinery to create higher-value goods.
What causes dislocation from the first to the second sector is the wage level: the Traditional Sector offers low subsistence wages and therefore by offering higher ones, the Modern Sector attracts rural workers, pulling them out from farming activity and incentivizing them to move to cities. Due to high labor demand in the cities, businesses can keep the wages at a fixed and steady level, which allows continuous investments, high levels of productivity, expansion and rapid economic growth.
Such growth is sustained until surplus labor in the substance sector is exhausted, marking the onset of the Lewis turning point. The capitalist must pay higher wages to induce workers to move from rural sector to manufactory. This leads to a shrink in profit levels and to the end of the growth cycle; however, by this point the economy has shifted towards a mature capitalistic system. As incomes rise and surplus rural labor is absorbed, demand for industrial and service-sector goods expands, urbanization accelerates and wages increase across sectors. This creates both the means and the incentive for technological investment and labor-saving innovation, thereby fostering economic modernization.
NON CARICA I DUE GRAFICI
To analyze the dynamic of the Lewis Model as an economic model, reference is made to a study by St. Jhon (2025). Graphically, the Lewis turning point is identified with the moment of discontinuity in the labor supply curve in the industry sector (Lft = L*, namely when the farm sector labor force equals to level of employment where the marginal product of labor is zero), causing wages (green line) to increase. Therefore, wages in the industrial sector are no longer fixed at a level WMt = Ws(1+p), the second part of the equations standing for the wages at a subsistence level in the traditional sector Ws, plus the industrial premium p. Instead, they progressively rise with employment by the factor identified as aLMt, resulting in WMt = Ws(1 + p) + aLMt.
NON CARICA I DUE GRAFICI
The Lewis turning point leads to the situation represented in graph 4 right, which will be briefly analyzed in comparison to graph 3.
When rural labor surplus ends, the industrial sector must pay a rising wage to attract additional workers and the rise in wage is paid to all labor in the market. Therefore, the marginal cost of an extra worker is represented by the worker wage plus the increased wage paid to all workers already employed. Hence, when the marginal product of labour line shifts to MLMt+2, employment only increases to LMt+2 (as shown in graph 4), while during the initial expansion brought by capital accumulation and investment the distance between LMt+1 and LMt+2 is greater (as shown in graph 3), indicating a higher increase of employment levels. Consequently, the rise in wage level leading to W2 leads to a profit equals to the area abcW2, which is less than the profit if the wage had remained at initial level of Ws(1+p), namely the area abcWs(1+p).
In other words, it is possible to conclude that the increase of salary levels has a contracting effect on the capitalist’s profit, which is precisely what reduces funds available to be re-invested and eventually stops economic growth.
The Lewis Model would suggest that the rapid expansion of Bangladesh's fast fashion-driven manufacturing sector has absorbed millions of rural workers, shifting them from agricultural employment to factory work. As a consequence, from a dualistic perspective fast fashion would represent a phase of industrialization in Bangladesh, a necessary step in the economic development of the Country, mirroring what happened centuries ago during the Industrial Revolution in the United Kingdom.
On the other hand, dependency theorists have often criticized the Lewis Model and the broad modernist approach by arguing that the path that Bangladesh is following cannot be compared with the one that shaped European economies development centuries ago. Dependency theorists would in fact argue that Bangladesh, and the producing countries in general, would find themselves trapped in a system of low salaries, scarce working conditions and subordination to northern countries’ rapidly growing demand, while value would remain captured by western brands. As argued by Genc Unaya (2025), dependency theory — that state that some countries have developed at a faster pace than others due to the unequal distribution of power and resources — interpret the fast fashion industry as a sort of exploitation hub. This is well explained by the cotton industry, that contributed in establishing a system or peripheral nations during the eighteenth century. The raw material – cotton in this case – was used by capitalists to build imperialist networks at the expense of workers of the satellite countries and such empires later evolved in a more complex system of multipolar center-periphery relations on a global scale.
Comparing the two theoretical approaches, it is debatable that the modernist approach is not able to capture the limits posed to the phase of consolidation of a capitalist economy within producing countries, as the self-serving interests of industrialized Western nations deliberately constrained the development trajectories of these countries, as Genc Unaya (2025) argues. This seems to be extremely fitting to the case of Bangladesh, where more than 80 per cent of the national productive system solely relies on the textile and RMG sector and where factories’ managers are pressured to meet highly competitive production conditions, in order to survive within a market that is ruled by fast rhythms.
Socio-economic implications of fast fashion in Bangladesh
Interpreting the output of the fast fashion model on Bangladesh’s national economy from a modernist perspective, it is possible to argue that the sector — which is worth $55bn a year — has transformed the country from one of the world’s poorest to a lower-middle income nation, as reported by Inamdar (2024).
As author Rahman (2009) argues, since the 1980s, the garment industry has become the backbone of Bangladesh's economy. The expansion of export-oriented garment production has played a crucial role in reducing poverty by creating economic opportunities for millions of people who previously had limited access to formal employment. For this reason, the RMG sector is widely regarded as one of the most notable examples of successful industrial development in recent decades.
According to FEMNET, more than 84 per cent of Bangladesh’s export earnings are generated in the textile sector and since 2000, real GDP growth in the country has averaged around 6 per cent annually, while exports have risen from US$6.6 billion in 2000 to US$47.1 billion in 2024, as reported by Sattar and Al Banna (2026). The data highlights how textile and RMG industry have fostered economic growth in Bangladesh and, as authors Khurana and Muthu (2022) stated this path is shared among many Low- and Middle-Income Countries in Asia and Africa, where textile industry has equally positively affected the national economy by fostering export and increasing GDP.
However, the logic behind this growth is based on production of garments at a rapid rate, in order to ensure that retailers are secured before a trend disappears. This situation is described by Rahman (2009) as a structural asymmetry of power between Bangladeshi producers and international buyers, driven by the fact that producers have little bargaining power. This means that they cannot convince buyers to increase the price at which they are willing to buy their products, therefore they are forced to decrease production costs in order to maintain profitability.
This race process entails inadequate salaries and poor working conditions for garment workers and Bangladeshi people and the continuous rise in demand for produced-in-Bangladesh goods in the American and European markets results in lower wages, hazardous working conditions and negative environmental effects, as argued by Khurana and Muthu (2022).
The result is a vicious cycle that connects rapidly increasing demand in northern (rich) countries and increasing production rates in southern countries. This dynamic is what poses doubts on the social sustainability of the fast fashion economic model and what dependency theorists would bring to attention in reporting the unequal growth of producing countries.
In this context, Bangladeshi RMG industry is well defined by the concept of “Fashion Paradox”: the industry “is both a heavy contributor to the country’s economic development and is seen as a potential obstacle to its future development” (Guido, 2023), allowing abusive practices affecting both workers and the environment.
More specifically, workers in the RMG sector in Bangladesh face poor working conditions that can be synthetized in: below-subsistence wages and high degree of violence on women employees and scarce work unionism.
Wages-wise, garment workers face both low and uncertain salaries, irregular payment practices and significant delays in wage payments are common in the sector, as specified by Uz-Zaman and Mannan Khan (2021). Particularly, the garment sector in Bangladesh offers the lowest wages worldwide; the minimum monthly wage currently stands at 12.500 taka (about US$113), far below the estimated local living wage of US$460 per month, as reported by Siddiqui (2025). This situation is aggravated by the rising costs of living, inflation arising and transportation prices increasing as well. While prices increase, the remuneration of garment workers does not increase at the same pace and about half of their monthly income is demanded by house rent alone (Kumar, 2025). To attract and retain foreign capital, the cost of Bangladeshi labour must remain internationally competitive. As a result, there are limited incentives to support substantial wage increases within the industry. The relocation-based nature of the global garment sector, whereby production is shifted from high-wage to low-cost regions, tends to exert downward pressure on labour standards and wages in host countries. Consequently, the Bangladeshi RMG sector remains characterized by some of the lowest wage levels among major garment-producing economies, including India, Pakistan, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Vietnam. More specifically, it is interesting to note how in Pakistan minimum wages in the garment sector are higher, despite greater economic volatility and lower GDP per capita compared with Bangladesh.
Such patterns suggest that wage outcomes are not determined solely by domestic economic conditions but are also shaped at a global value chains level by the power of transnational firms, which capture a substantial share of the value generated while exerting pressure to keep production costs low.
Historical institutional attempts to solve the salary situation in the RMG sector have been made but resulted in partial failure. A clear example is the RMG Payout Structure set by the Ministry of Labour and Employment in 2018, which set the minimum wage at 8.000 Taka and defined minimum wage as a fixed portion of pay plus indemnities such as house renting, transportation costs, food and medical assistance. However, such framework clashed with workers’ unions demand of a significantly higher minimum wage, more specifically at around 12.020 Taka. As Moazzem et al. (2024) explain, there was a deviation in the implementation of the Payout system, as the actual minimum wage paid by owners to employees equaled 6.461 Taka (Uz-Zaman, Mannan Khan, 2021), far lower than the one that had been institutionally set. Moreover, the minimum wage did not really consider the inflation of Bangladeshi economy, which is significant if considered that the industrial environment of the country is not well diversified and highly depends on the export of textile products. In other words, this means that Bangladesh depends on the demand of foreign stronger economies. As a result, due to the increase in the costs of alimentary goods caused by inflation, families of RMG workers can only afford around 55 per cent of the required cost; additionally, inflation also affects the cost of non-food goods, leading to an increase of around 25 per cent of their costs.
Moreover, a central issue in the RMG sector is the high degree of violence and harassment perpetrated against women, especially when considering that women constitute almost 90 per cent of the workforce in the sector. The situation is aggravated by the lack of accountability by the authorities, which do not follow the existing laws regarding the rights of the workers, as reported by Ahmed et al. (2019).
A study by Akter et al. (2024) on gender-based violence and harassment (GBVH) conducted on women employees, factory managers and government officials highlights how existing laws on violence mitigation fail to directly address GBVH: neither the Bangladesh Labour Act (BLA) amended in 2013 and the Bangladesh Labour Rules (BLR) adopted in 2015 succeed to clearly define indecent behavior in the work place. Moreover, neither regulations that explicitly address the mitigation of violence and harassment against women in society and family — such as the Women and Children Repression Prevention Act (WCRPA) of 2000 and the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act (DVPPA) of 2010 — are being effectively applied in the factories’ context. Logically, the result is the absence of a structured legal framework aimed at preventing GBVH at the workplace.
As explained by the authors, the lack of a strong legal system serves as an enabler for factories’ managers to not invest in proper procedures and internal policies to address abuse on women: despite many factories count with solid HR policies, no space is given to safeguards measures against GBVH and effective internal complaint mechanisms. Consequently, when existent, anti-harassment policies are developed solely to secure audit certificates and commercial collaboration with international brands.
This goes hand in hand with the findings of the study conducted by the Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) and FEMNET in 2020: 70 women experienced gender-based violence inside garment factories and 35 women experienced it while commuting to/from the factories, making it a total of 105 women out of 311, among which the study was conducted, to have experienced violence in their workplace (about 34 per cent). Therefore, the situation is defined by the lack of acknowledgment among factory management, the lack of a complaint mechanism and the lack of effective legislation.
However, violence in the workplace is further fomented by the current purchasing practices. Studies suggest that the growing bargaining power of international buyers has enabled them to impose lower prices and tighter delivery schedules. These pressures are often transferred to workers, who are forced to meet higher production rhythms, contributing to increased levels of workplace violence and harassment. In other words, in order to keep up with the higher demand of the brands or the retailers, factories are forced to stay competitive in the market, by overlooking basic workers’ rights, such as subsistence wages, freedom of association, formal work, discrimination, work intensity and harassment. This is confirmed by the evidence found by BCWS and FEMNET (2020): 35 per cent of the workers interviewed have faced humiliation or physical threats by superiors to produce more.
Consequently, the relationship between demand in the occidental economies and production in the producer countries is fundamentally unequal highly competitive production demand undermines initiatives to prevent workplace violence and harassment, as factory management tends to interpret gender-based violence prevention measures as obligations imposed by global buyers in exchange for continued business.
Lastly, in order to address the problem of trade unions in the Bangladeshi RMG sector, a study published by Anam Ullah in 2024 will be taken into consideration.
As the author points out, despite the RMG sector being dominant in the country and constituting the backbone of the national economy, only about 5 to 10 per cent of workers in the sector are members of work unions. This low rate of participation in work unions seems to be mainly linked to two factors: the process of globalization of the Bangladeshi economy and the role of government and producers/export associations.
On the one hand, Anam Ullah (2025) argues that the neoliberalist economic policies introduced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank during the Eighties gave birth to a further deregulated market, which eventually ended up weakening the power of workers and unions and prioritizing the profit of transnational companies and of factories managers in the producer countries.
On the other hand, both the Bangladesh government and the big producers associations – mainly the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) and the Bangladesh Knitwear Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BKMEA) – represent a threat to work unions. For example, the State requires the payment of a 30 per cent adhesion fee to register a work union, which represents an important legal barrier to the creation of such unions. Similarly, BGMEA has recently expressed concern over the approval of the Bangladesh Labour (Amendment) Ordinance 2025, which had the objective to legally define unfair labour practices and decrease the threshold needed to register and create work unions. BGMEA’s concern in this sense was that such legal act would have negatively affected production within the RMG sector.
The situation is further aggravated by internal weakness and corruption of work unions. Bangladesh's labour landscape is characterized by the presence of the so-called "yellow" unions, whose leaders often maintain close ties with factory managers. As a result, these organizations frequently fail to represent and protect workers’ rights effectively, eventually undermining collective bargaining and discouraging labour activism. Moreover, leaders of work unions are often affiliated to various political parties and therefore they serve the interests of politicians rather than those of workers. The lack of ethics within unions themselves has eventually eroded the working class’s trust in unionism. The situation is further aggravated by the fact that a striking majority of RMG employees come from a rural background and hold scarce knowledge about the importance of their own rights, rather, the fear of losing their job makes them reluctant to take part in unions.
Once again, western brands and suppliers appear to play a significant role in the perpetuation of this problematic system. As Anam Ullah (2025) argues, international clothing brands are now supporting the diffusion of a different type of employees’ participation in the labour rights’ dialogue, which is greatly milder than the classical ideology of trade unionism. In other words, brands are actively promoting mechanisms such as the employee participation committees, to replace the traditional unions and this represents an attempt to circumvent collective bargaining, further weakening employees’ power. Furthermore, factory owners’ interests are aligned with western brands’ ones: in Bangladesh, owners — also called “crony capitalists” — often occupy public and lucrative positions and receive the full support of the government. For this reason, in order to maintain their active positions in politics l and in order to ensure high productivity and high profits of the RMG sector’s factories, they have the interest to maintain production costs low and suppress working unions.
To conclude, it is possible to argue that the asymmetrical relationship between west and east — that is to say, between occidental brands and consumer demand and production system in Asian countries — actively maintains the current system of discrimination towards employee in the RMG sector. As above reported, this happens both by relocation of production by transnational firms in countries where labour is cheaper, so that costs are decreased and profit is maximized, by demanding garment products at a higher speed, which results in forcing higher rates of production, directly causing verbal and physical harassment against employees and, finally, by actively hindering the work of labour unions. In this framework, transnational firms are not worried about promoting fair labour conditions. For this reason, dependency theorists would argue that the economy of Bangladesh has not steadily deployed on a mature capitalistic economic model (as modernist theories would affirm), rather, it ended up being a victim of it, stuck at an underdevelopment stage, which is well exemplified by the violation of human rights that employees suffer daily.
Therefore, it is essential to keep in mind that, although RMG sector has greatly pushed Bangladeshi economy, positively impacting national GDP, such economic growth comes at high social costs, as exemplified by the tragic collapse of Rana Plaza building in Dhaka occurred in 2013, causing the death of more than a thousand garment workers and jeopardizing the lives of many injured ones, as explained by BBC (2023). These events have demonstrated that the lack of control and compliance both from factories’ mangers and international brands eventually lead to devastating outcomes for the local population and territory and rose awareness over the need of higher degrees of workers’ protection form both sides.
Discussion and policy recommendations
The policy recommendations are presented through the general theoretical lens adopted in this report, that is to say by comparing the prescriptions derived from the modernist approach with those proposed by the dependency theory.
Concerning low wages, the modernist approach would argue that an increase in salaries has to be accompanied by higher productivity in order to be economically sustainable. Therefore, policy recommendations would aim at accompanying a gradual wage adjustment with an effort to maintain productivity within factories. Modernists would argue that increasing employees’ wages would make Bangladesh less attractive to the eyes of transnational firms and suppliers, causing mass job loss.
Differently, the dependency approach would affirm that low wages are tightly correlated to international competition on low labour, exercised by occidental brands and suppliers. In this context, the main policy recommendation concerns shifting away from the rigid 3-year revision cycle for minimum wages in order to adopt an annual-based one. By doing this, wages would be continuously adapted to annual values of inflation, thereby ensuring that employees could actually afford basic goods. Moreover, dependency theorists would bring the attention to the importance of accountability of occidental brands about prices paid to suppliers. More specifically, occidental suppliers are invited to respect international normative frameworks, by regularly adapting purchasing practices to prevent wage suppression, increasing collaboration with trade unions to support workers in advocating for their rights and adopting a living wage benchmark endorsed by existing organizations, such as such as the Global Living Wage Coalition, the Asia Floor Wage Alliance and Clean Clothes Campaign, as Swedwatch (2024) suggests.
Concerning the harassment perpetrated against women employees in RMG factories, from a modernist point of view, policy recommendations would be aimed at addressing the issue though an industry modernization phase that could also lead to higher levels of productivity and efficiency within factories.
As a matter of fact, it is crucial that the government would allow the correct functioning of initiatives aimed at ensuring gender equality within the RMG sector. The Ethical Training Initiative represent a concrete possibility of women empowerment within factories, consisting of a workplace program that has not only helped women take leadership roles in factories through different types of trainings, but has also facilitated Sexual Harassment Complaint Committees (SHCC). Such committees represent a reliable compliant system, that tracks the perpetration of violence acts in the workplace, therefore supporting employees and ensuring decent conditions. This effort could lead women to reach supervision roles, therefore innovating the sector and reaching higher levels of factory-level efficiency.
On the other hand, from a dependency approach, the pressure to meet rapidly increasing demand inherently facilitates abuse on women employees and therefore there is a need of redefining and reinvigorating the legal framework, as well as tracking direct responsibility of western brands and suppliers on the respect of gender standards.
In this context, the government should provide an adequate legal framework aimed at protecting employees of the RMG sector from violence and harassment in the workplace. As Yasmin (2021) suggests, a viable way should be the creation of an independent body or commission where employees of all sectors can directly refer a complaint to the authorities for a non-judicial resolution of the dispute. This can be done by reinvigorating the application of already existing laws, such as the Bangladesh Labour Act of 2013, that could actively help defining roles and responsibilities of such Commission. It is important to point out that the literature generally agrees that any effort put in the creation of a solid legal system should be accompanied by the ratification of the International Labour Organization’s Act 190 of 2019, which represents the first international treaty to recognize everyone’s right to a workplace free from violence and harassment.
Finally, as Islam et al. (2022) argue, international retailers and brands should strengthen due diligence requirements across their supply chains by placing greater emphasis on compliance with gender equality and women's rights. This effort should be carried out through social auditing mechanisms, that have to pay great attention to labour rights. Furthermore, due diligence should extend beyond primary suppliers, since improving oversight of lower-tier ones represents a critical step toward enhancing accountability throughout global supply chains.
Finally, the weakness of work unions would be addressed. From the modernist approach, unions’ efficiency is essential to the extent that it improves industrial stability. Therefore, the main policy recommendation would be the simplification of registration procedures. In this sense, (Anam Ullah 2025) appoints the government for lifting 30% of members’ participation as a must for trade union registration, considering it as an excessively stringent requisite to be respected by unions and hindering their creation in the first place.
On the other hand, from a dependency approach, reliance on occidental brands forces factories and the government to limit the bargaining power of work unions, in order to maintain high profitability through low labour costs. Once again, the literature consistently highlights the need to rework the BLA Act, as it presents gaps that hinder the right of association of workers in Bangladesh and, in particular, it lacks a sufficient safeguard against anti-union discrimination, which eventually results in workers wrongful terminations for union activities. In this sense, Lie and Alam (n.d.) suggest that labour legislation should impose more stringent sanctions for violations related to unlawful dismissals, harassment and lack of safety regulation in the workplace. In cases of repeated non-compliance, authorities should be empowered to revoke business licenses and factory managers should be criminally accountable for gross negligence resulting in severe harm such as death of employees. Finally, expansion of criteria for blacklisting companies with persistent records of labour rights violations is needed.
Finally, it is possible to argue that the recommendations stemming from the modernist approach aim to correct the inefficiencies of the industrialization process, assuming that social problems are temporary and therefore policy solutions should always be considered along with maintaining high levels of productivity, efficiency and competitiveness. In contrast, the perspective of dependency theory interprets low wages, gender-based violence and weak unions as structural consequences of the Bangladeshi RMG sector’s subordination to the sourcing strategies of occidental brands. Therefore, policies that are more attentive to the societal and economic needs of employees and that aim at reducing subordination to external demand appear to be more coherent and necessary.
To conclude, whether the RMG sector — driven by the economic model of fast fashion — represents an effective path to economic growth and, consequently, social development in Bangladesh ultimately depends on the theoretical approach adopted to analyze its role within the country’s productive landscape. Modernization perspectives tend to interpret fast fashion as a necessary stage of ongoing structural development of the economy, emphasizing its potential to create jobs and reduce poverty. In contrast, dependency theorists offer a more critical interpretation, arguing that fast fashion has led to the exacerbation of inequality levels, abuse of labour rights and economic dependency of Bangladesh on the fast-growing demand of western markets.
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Confirmed by other independent sources; logical in itself; coherent with other information on the topic |
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Not confirmed; reasonably logical in itself; coherent with some other information on the topic |
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Not confirmed; possible but not logical in itself; no other information on the topic |
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Sitography
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