Translated by Valeria D’Alessandro
On November 9, 1989, the Berlin wall fell under the influence of perestroika, the reformative policy initiated by Michail Gorbachev in the mid-1980s. This policy aimed to establish a new socio-political and economic order within the Soviet Union.
With the fall of the last tangible symbol of division at the earth of Europe, a entire ideological era came to an end: the Cold War. This period of geopolitical tension symbolized the East-West opposition on the European Continent – stretching from Stettin on the Baltic to Trieste on the Adriatic – and across the global stage.
The enthusiasm generated by this historic event ushered in a euphoric period for Europe: the reunification of Germany, the establishment of a common European currency, and the inclusion of countries from the former Warsaw Pact. Europe also experienced the consolidation of a socio-economic model that promised security and prosperity unmatched elsewhere in the world. The widespread acceptance of principle such as liberal democracy and capitalism in the Western world was even interpreted as the final, stationary phase of human progress—a concept famously referred to as “the end of history”.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, new ‘walls’ have been constructed. These walls, erected along the eastern borders of Europe, aim to contain migration flows and safeguard what is often referred to as “Fortress Europe”. They serve to divide and discriminate against those who find themselves on the “wrong side”, much like the Berliners on the eastern side who, on the night of November 9, 1989, began dismantling the concrete and barbed-wire snake that had split Europe in two.
Another such wall is the one built by Israelis settlers in the occupied West Bank, towering even higher than the Berlin Wall once did. Today, both Europe and the wider world remain deeply divided—fractured by nationalistic egoisms and conflicting interests. Over the past three and a half decades, epochal events have only deepened these rifts. Yet the movement of people and ideas cannot be confined indefinitely. Every wall serves a purpose, sometimes for far too long, but no wall lasts forever.
After 1989
The French German reconciliation following the Second World War laid the groundwork for the establishment of common European institution, starting with the European Coal and Steal Community (ECSC) in 1951. Similarly, after the fall of the “Iron Curtain”, the Russian and American government aimed to collaborate on a global scale to promote peace and construct a new world order.
A key prerequisite for the Russian-American alliance was mutual trust, which underpinned Mikhail Gorbachev’s visionary proposal for a “common European home.” This ambitious project envisioned a united framework encompassing Western and Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and the United States. At its core, Gorbachev’s plan focused on two principles: mutual security and non-offensive defense. This vision contributed to the creation of the Partnership for Peace
in 1994, a cooperation program between NATO and Russia. However, the shared objectives were short-lived, as historical rivalries and tensions between East and West quickly resurfaced.
NATO Eastern expansion
The Eastern expansion of the European Union and the accession of former communist bloc countries to NATO in the decades following the fall of the Berlin Wall have fundamentally reshaped spheres of influence and created new, unstable geopolitical orders.
With the implosion of the USSR, the decision of its former satellites states to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) inevitably became a source of concern for the Kremlin. NATO, an alliance originally established to contain Moscow, now directly borders Russia. Before Finland (2023) and Sweden (2024) joined NATO, nearly all countries that entered the alliance from 1990 onwards were either former Soviet republics or members of the Warsaw pact. For these countries, NATO membership was often a prerequisite for joining the European Union, reflecting a broader geopolitical shift toward the West.
European integration after the fall of the Soviet Union
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1989-1991), European integration expanded eastward. Under pressure from Berlin to provide Central and Eastern European countries with a stable European framework, former Soviet satellites states began joining the European Union.
The year 2004 marked the largest enlargement of the EU, with ten new member states: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Hungary, Malta and Cyprus. This wave of integration was followed by the accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 and Croatia in 2013. Today, Moldova and Ukraine are awaiting their turn, alongside the Western Balkans nations, which remain on the EU’s long-standing waiting list.
Est of the Wall
A new “iron curtain” divides Europe today. Unlike its 20th-century counterpart, this modern division does not bring stability. Instead, it fuels divisive narratives, revives bellicose ghosts, and accelerates an arms race.
Europe finds itself weakened and fragmented, unprepared to address the dramatic crisis of recent years. Since 2022, the larger-scale war in Ukraine has drastically altered the European landscape: from NATO’s expansion into Scandinavia to the severing of economic and cultural ties with Russia. A new “iron curtain” is rising in the East, marking a fracture and fostering constant confrontation—a precarious balance of fear.
The rhetoric of a strong and united Europe, one that opens its doors to new member states and supports Kyiv’s resistance with arms and financial aid, must confront the devastating consequences of the conflict: economic and energy crisis, rising political divisions within individual countries, and the economic cost of reconstruction, which Europe will need to oversee. In addition, there are other challenges, such as the social fallout from new migratory flows and the setbacks in the ecological transition caused by the reopening of coal-fired power station.
On one side, Kyiv cannot lose, and on the other, Moscow cannot win. A never-ending war is taking shape. The Russian invasion of Ukraine seems to have taken us all back in time, leaving the world at the mercy of a new world (dis)order. Yet, the 27-member European Union is unable to break free from the impasse of its own geopolitical fragility.
Mondo Internazionale APS - Riproduzione Riservata ® 2024
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L'Autore
Giuliana Băruș
Studi in Giurisprudenza e Diritto Internazionale a Trieste.
Oltre che di Diritto (e di diritti), appassionata di geopolitica, giornalismo – quello lento, narrativo, che racconta storie ed esplora mondi – fotoreportage, musica underground e cinema indipendente.
Da sempre “permanently dislocated – un voyageur sur la terre” – abita i confini, fisici e metaforici, quelle patrie elettive di chi si sente a casa solo nell'intersezionalità di sovrapposizioni identitarie: la realtà in divenire si vede meglio agli estremi che dal centro. Viaggiare per scrivere – soprattutto di migrazioni, conflitti e diritti – e scrivere per viaggiare, alla ricerca di geografie interiori per esplorarne l’ambiguità e i punti d’ombra creati dalla luce.
Nel 2023, ha viaggiato e vissuto in quattro paesi diversi: Romania, sua terra d'origine, Albania, Georgia e Turchia.
Affascinata, quindi, dallo spazio post-sovietico dell'Europa centro-orientale; dalla cultura millenaria del Mediterraneo; e dalle sfaccettate complessità del Medio Oriente.
In Mondo Internazionale Post è autrice per la sezione “Organizzazioni Internazionali”.
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