Western Sahara: The Long Road to Decolonization

The Western Sahara is a region in North Africa that is often overlooked in history books. Despite being the subject of a decolonization process in the latter half of the last century, its complex geopolitical situation remains largely unknown — and the process itself still incomplete.

The colonization of Western Sahara by foreign powers dates back to 1884–1885, when the Berlin Conference was held and the territory was assigned to Spain. Madrid’s interest in the region stemmed more from a desire for international prestige than from any economic motive, as the area’s vast natural wealth — particularly its phosphate deposits — was not yet known. For this reason, early Spanish rule was not especially repressive and allowed the Sahrawi tribes a relatively high degree of autonomy. Between the 1930s and the 1960s, however, growing awareness of the territory’s economic potential emerged. The World Bank would later describe Western Sahara as the richest region in the Maghreb in terms of natural resources. This made Francisco Franco’s Spain increasingly reluctant to include the territory in the broader decolonization process that, between the 1950s and 1970s, was reshaping most of the colonies of the Western empires. 

It was only in 1975 that Spain ceded control of the region to Morocco and Mauritania under the Madrid Accords. Just days before the agreement was signed, around 350,000 Moroccans crossed into Western Sahara, in a symbolic demonstration of the country’s claims over the territory. Morocco’s territorial ambitions were driven by a fervent nationalist spirit that also extended to aspirations of incorporating parts of Mauritania, Mali, and western Algeria. However, the main reason Morocco continues to deny independence to the Sahrawi people is most likely economic.

Western Sahara, in fact, holds significant phosphate reserves, while its coastal waters are among the most lucrative fishing grounds in the region. However, Morocco’s exploitation of these resources conceals the political, economic, and institutional responsibility of both the United States and Europe.

The United States has historically been a close political and military ally of Morocco, regarded by the West as the principal pro-Western stronghold in the region capable of countering Islamic fundamentalism. Morocco is officially designated as a major non-NATO ally. A prominent demonstration of U.S. political backing for Morocco’s occupation of Western Sahara occurred in 2020, when President Donald Trump formally recognized Moroccan sovereignty over the territory.

The same recognition was reiterated by French President Emmanuel Macron in 2024. Similar to the United States, France stands as a key political, military, and economic ally of Morocco. France is, in fact, the principal arms supplier to its former colony. In addition to the defense sector, bilateral economic cooperation extends to technology, cultural industries, tourism, and renewable energy, with a particular focus on green hydrogen.

The European Union also benefits from Morocco’s exploitation of Western Sahara’s resources, especially in the fishing sector. Fish products caught off the coast of the occupied territories are subject to lucrative trade agreements between the EU and the Kingdom of Morocco.

The legality of these agreements under international law remains questionable. In 2001, UN legal adviser Hans Corell was asked to provide an opinion on the legitimacy of natural resource exploitation in Western Sahara. He affirmed that economic activities carried out by the administering power are permissible only when they promote the region’s socioeconomic development and do not harm the indigenous populations, who must always be consulted.

As highlighted by Mara Valenti, however, it seems difficult to assert that the economic activities carried out by Morocco in Western Sahara have the consent of the Sahrawi people. In fact, most of them have been forced to flee their homeland and take refuge in refugee camps in Algeria, in response to Morocco’s settler colonialism.

Therefore, although Morocco’s activities have created new infrastructure and jobs, the benefits have been almost exclusively reaped by Moroccan settlers, while the few remaining Sahrawi still living there continue to face discrimination that prevents them from participating in this economic development.

Thus, the Western Sahara issue demonstrates that the decolonization process initiated in the 1950s is far from complete. Awareness of this reality—which masks human rights abuses and illegal economic exploitation—remains limited: the Sahrawi people rarely receive significant coverage in history textbooks or major news media.

Translated by Iuliana Cindrea

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