Military officials have an expanded role in civilian affairs: In Indonesia, the line between civilian and military power is blurring.

Translated by Silvia Toro

On the 20th of March 2025, the Indonesian parliament in plenary session has approved several amendments on article 47 of the National Armed Forces Law, which was launched in 2004 for keeping the political power apart from the military one and hence to control the presence of military officials in the government. This revision, which was requested by the President Prabowo Subianto himself months earlier, goes in the opposite direction, meaning it concedes more influence to the military in the country. If, as a matter of fact, previously they could have taken on civilian affairs in ten government institutions in the field of security and defence without retiring from the army (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI), with these new revisions the potential public entities are now fourteen: other than the Ministry of Defence and the state intelligence organs, the Office of the Attorney General and the National Anti-Terrorism Agency are now also open to military personnel. Moreover, the retirement age for the military officials has also been extended: it will be possible for them to continue their service at least the age of 55, with variations according to rank. For example, high-ranking generals will be able to retire at 63 years old, and possibly extending the service for other two years if the President himself so decides.

But what are the reasons for this reform, which seems to be laying the foundations for a comeback of military supremacy over civilian power? The Indonesian Minister of Law, Supratman Andi Agtas, denying the possibility of a military takeover and underlying respect for democratic principles, explained that the reforms stem from the need to reform the TNI and improving the country’s conditions in order to face new geopolitical challenges at a domestic and international dimensions. The army can, in fact, help the government to thwart cyber threats and defend the interests of the nation and of its citizens abroad. This strong concern of Jakarta for its own security comes from a growing apprehension due to regional instability and especially the fear of a potential conflict over Taiwan.

This renewed militarisation, however, worries the civil society, which now is concerned about the future of Indonesian democracy. The fear is sure enough of a comeback a return to the New Order of Suharto's military dictatorship, sustained by the dwifungsi or dual function doctrine. This system was characterized by the dual function of the military, which was allowed to perform both civilian and military functions, creating a situation in which it could control politics, with a lack of transparency and a high rate of corruption. After the fall of Suharto in 1998, the dual function system was gradually dismantled. However, with Subianto’s presidency, its pieces seem to be coming back together. Many signs suggest that the military's role in civilian life is set to expand. Firstly, the current president is apparently still tied to his military past, when he was commander of the special forces under Suharto's military dictatorship. He was also linked to him on a personal level, being the husband of his youngest daughter. The fatherly and benevolent image he presented during the election campaign is in fact giving way to a more energetic and militaristic one, aimed at the securitisation and self-sufficiency of his country. Other than that, Prabowo has made room for some military officers in the Red and White Cabinet since his election back in October. He has the entrusted the armed forces with the logistical support for the “free meal” agenda, and finally has promoted the amendments of article 47, as we have said, which, besides, were approved after a rash and concise procedure.

The possible consequences of a return to military control in Indonesian politics are countless: abuse of power, human rights violations, favouritism, impunity, and corruption. A situation where civilian freedoms and democratic governance are overridden by other interests, such as stability and national control. But this potential threat to democracy is not faced with indifference by the population. Since the day before the vote, hundreds of pro-democracy activists have been camped in front of the parliament, protesting against the reform of the 2004 law. Despite the police repressions, the protests are not over, and marches are still ongoing in demand of withdrawal of the provision and protection of democracy in the country.

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