The African Union and the Fight against Terrorism

Translated by Mariateresa Tauro

In 1999, in Algiers, African states adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. It was a crucial moment. Even before the 11th September and the subsequent globalisation of the war against terrorism, the African continent was seeking to equip itself with a common legal instrument to deal with a threat that was already perceived as structural. Reinforced by a Protocol in 2004, that convention still represents the cornerstone of the African Union’s anti-terrorism architecture. More than twenty years later, however, one question remains unanswered: how effective is this system really?

When was the African Union established?

The current African Union was established in 2002, rising from the ashes of the Organisation of African Unity, which had been founded in 1963 to promote cooperation and solidarity among the states of the continent. With the transition to the new organisation, political ambition has also changed. It is no longer just a matter of coordination between governments, but of integration and construction of genuine regional governance. The Union's founding treaty assigns the Assembly the task of determining common policies and intervening in the management of conflicts and emergencies. Safety, therefore, becomes a matter of collective interest.

Within this context, the 1999 Convention offers a broad definition of terrorism: any criminal act that endangers the life or physical integrity of persons, causes serious damage to public or private property, and is intended to intimidate or coerce governments, institutions or populations; the definition also includes the financing and organisation of such acts. The aim is clear: to harmonise national legislation and strengthen judicial cooperation between Member States.

The parallel evolution of terrorism

Meanwhile, terrorism has evolved rapidly on the African continent, with a veritable proliferation and transformation of threats. From the first organisations affiliated with al-Qaeda, such as AQIM and al-Shabaab, to the spread of groups linked to the Islamic State, including ISGS and some factions of Boko Haram.

Some groups have pursued a strategy focused on territorial control, with the aim of establishing de facto political entities, imposing their own administration and exploiting local resources. Others have maintained a more fluid and transnational approach, based on asymmetric tactics, targeted attacks and widespread destabilisation. In recent years, a hybrid model has emerged; it combines territorial control, criminal economy and operational flexibility. In regions such as the Sahel, the phenomenon has taken on dramatic proportions, with a significant increase in casualties and a growing ability of armed groups to adapt to military pressure.

Terrorism on the African continent cannot be interpreted solely in ideological terms. It is intertwined with state fragility, economic marginalisation, local conflicts and illicit trafficking. In many contexts, human rights violations by security forces also contribute to fuelling radicalisation dynamics. All this creates a vicious circle that makes combating it even more complex.

How does the institutional structure work?

Alongside the regulatory dimension, the African Union has developed a well-structured institutional framework. The Peace and Security Council plays a central role in coordinating security policies. The Continental Early Warning System has been designed to detect signs of crisis early on and prevent escalation. The African Standby Force represents the potential military instrument for crisis management interventions. In addition, the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism monitors, researches and provides technical support to member states.

On paper, these instruments together constitute one of the most ambitious regional architectures on the international scene. However, there is a significant gap between institutional design and operational reality. Implementation is one of the main problems. It took years for the Protocol to the Convention to enter into force. Not all States have ratified or fully implemented the instruments adopted at the continental level. In several cases, national legislation remains fragmented or inconsistent.

The lack of financial resources is another obstacle. The African Union is heavily dependent on external funding, with obvious repercussions on the sustainability of its missions and on its decision-making autonomy. Coordination between Member States is also affected by divergent priorities and different political sensitivities, especially when security operations touch on issues of sovereignty.

The AMISOM case: between ambition and critical issues

A prime example of the potential and limitations of the system is the mission in Somalia against al-Shabaab. Launched in 2007, the African Union Mission in Somalia was tasked with supporting the Somali government and countering the expansion of the jihadist group. Over the years, the mission has achieved some military successes, helping to reduce al-Shabaab's territorial control in certain areas. However, it also highlighted profound critical issues: financial dependence on external partners, charges of human rights violations, and tensions between regional actors have exposed the structural limitations of the intervention.

In 2022, the mission was replaced by a new transition operation, a sign of continuous adaptation, but also of the difficulty of achieving lasting stabilisation.

Regional governance between law and reality

The African Union's experience in combating terrorism clearly illustrates the complexity of regional security governance. The continent has equipped itself with an advanced regulatory framework and dedicated institutions, in some cases anticipating global dynamics. However, the effectiveness of the system depends largely on the political will of Member States, their ability to implement the adopted instruments, and the availability of adequate resources. Without strengthening implementation and an approach that integrates security and the protection of fundamental rights, the architecture risks remaining only partially finished.

Conclusion

The African Union finds itself at the centre of a structural tension: on the one hand, the need to establish itself as a credible player in managing continental security; on the other, the political, economic and institutional constraints that limit its action. It is in this space, between regulatory ambition and operational reality, that the future of the fight against terrorism in Africa will be played out.

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