In recent years, Colombia has been facing a troubling trend: a growing number of former soldiers are leaving the country to enlist in foreign armies and take part in overseas conflicts. Numerous reports come from the Ukrainian front, the civil war in Sudan, and even Mexico. The reasons behind this phenomenon highlight the fragile social conditions faced by Colombian war veterans.
The issue of veterans
Colombia has the second-largest army in South America after Brazil, with more than 260,000 active troops. For around 60 years, the country was the stage of a civil war between the central government and rebel armed groups such as the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army). This prolonged conflict required many soldiers on both sides, particularly in the early 2000s when violence intensified.
Following the peace agreement signed in 2016, the situation improved, although it remains somewhat unstable. One consequence has been a reduced need for military personnel within the national army.
At the same time, the average retirement age for Colombian soldiers is around 40. As a result, many of those who served during the peak years of conflict have now left active duty. For many, however, this marks the beginning of serious challenges, mainly economic ones. While an active soldier earns around $1,000 per month, pensions typically drop to about $400, less than half, which is often insufficient to live on.
Many veterans look for alternative employment, but opportunities are limited. A common option is working in private security, though this is often poorly paid. A more lucrative but illegal and dangerous alternative is joining criminal organizations, which remain widespread in Colombia. The third option, and one of the most popular, is to enlist in foreign armed forces.
Where and why they fight today
Colombian soldiers are highly valued abroad. Decades of internal conflict have given them extensive combat experience. They are also trained to use weapons and communication systems aligned with NATO standards, thanks to Colombia’s close cooperation with the United States. Additionally, they are considered more cost effective than Western soldiers.
The presence of Colombian ex-soldiers in foreign conflicts is not new. In the past, they have fought in Afghanistan, Yemen, Libya, and Somalia. Today, they are mostly found in Ukraine and Sudan. Recruitment often happens through social media or word of mouth, and the salaries offered are significantly higher than what they could earn at home. In Sudan, monthly pay ranges from $1,500 to $3,000, while in Ukraine it can reach up to $5,000 for high-risk roles.
It is estimated that between 1,000 and 2,000 Colombian soldiers are currently in Ukraine, while since the start of the Russian invasion, around 7,000 may have served there in total. Many contracts include compensation for families in case of death.
Between 300 and 550 Colombian fighters are believed to have died in the conflict, making Colombia the foreign contingent with the highest number of casualties in Ukraine. As a result, the Colombian flag is now featured in memorials for fallen soldiers in Kyiv.
Those fighting in Sudan, on the other hand, are reportedly recruited by the United Arab Emirates through private agencies, although official involvement has always been denied. The UAE is believed to have started recruiting Colombian soldiers around 2010, initially to guard oil facilities. Over time, they have become increasingly involved in conflicts where the UAE exerts influence, such as in Sudan. There, although some soldiers describe the situation as less intense than Colombia’s past conflicts, they often find themselves training new recruits, who are sometimes children.
Beyond the battlefield, the consequences for soldiers and their families can be severe. In many cases, even when compensation is promised, obtaining it proves difficult if a soldier dies, and repatriating remains can also be complicated. Many returning veterans suffer not only from physical injuries but also from psychological trauma.
The Colombian government is also concerned that returning fighters could bring their skills back to criminal organizations. So far, however, this risk has not fully materialized.
Between international law and post conflict reintegration
The legal status of these individuals remains a matter of debate. In December 2025, the Colombian Congress ratified the United Nations Convention against mercenaries, a move supported by President Gustavo Petro’s government. However, this is only a limited attempt to address a far more complex issue.
Not only does the convention apply only to states that have ratified it, and many countries employing Colombian veterans have not, but under its definition, Colombians fighting in Ukraine do not qualify as mercenaries. According to the convention, those serving in Ukraine are not considered mercenaries because they receive the same pay as Ukrainian soldiers and are formally integrated into the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
Moreover, under international law, mercenaries do not enjoy the same legal status as other combatants. As a result, they benefit from far fewer protections, both in case of death and if accused of crimes committed during conflict, for which they can be held personally responsible.
This phenomenon raises deeper questions about the social conditions faced by many former soldiers in Colombia. For years, they played a role considered essential to national security, supported by relatively stable income. Yet, with the end of the conflict, many have found themselves marginalized.
Although reintegration programs exist, they have proven insufficient. In addition to low pensions, the skills acquired in the military often do not translate into opportunities in the civilian job market. The result is a form of forced mobility that reflects the structural weaknesses of the domestic system more than a genuine desire to fight abroad.
In this sense, it is not the war itself, but the management of its aftermath, that is now shaping the fate of an entire generation of former soldiers.
Mondo Internazionale APS - Riproduzione Riservata ® 2026
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L'Autore
Angela Sartori
Angela Sartori si è laureata in Interdisciplinary Research and Studies on Eastern Europe (MIREES) presso l'Università di Bologna. Le tematiche che ha affrontato durante il suo corso di studi si sono concentrate principalmente sui fenomeni migratori e sulle problematiche legate alle minoranze etniche, nonché sulle relazioni lasciate dall'eredità sovietica in particolare in Ucraina, nella Federazione Russa e negli stati del Caucaso meridionale.
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Sudan Gustavo Petro mercenaries