Summary of the 17th BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro

Translated by Irene Cecchi

The annual summit of the major emerging economies took place in Rio de Janeiro. From July 6th to 7th, the main leaders of the Global South gathered in Brazil to discuss and confront on key topics shaping the current international political landscape: from the Middle Eastern conflict to the trade war with the United States, to South-South cooperation in the diplomatic, economic and military fields.

This Rio edition was marked by a series of notable absences, primarily those of Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping. The Russian president reportedly skipped the summit due to security concerns, given an international arrest warrant issued against him. Xi, on the other hand, likely opted for a strategic withdrawal, probably motivated by recent bilateral meetings with Lula, continuing the ongoing diplomatic distance imposed by Beijing. In addition to the two Eastern giants, Cairo and Tehran also failed to send their leaders to the summit, with Egyptian President Al Sisi and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian absent. According to recent reports from the Iranian news agency "Fars," the absence of the Iranian president might be linked to his potential involvement in the June 16th IDF raids, which reportedly compromised his health.

Despite the absence of some central BRICS figures, Lula chose to organize an "extended" summit. Recent developments in relations between Brasília and Washington undoubtedly influenced the South American leader’s priorities since he sought to focus the Rio summit on opposing the trade war with the USA. But not only this: the summit official agenda also dedicated significant space to five other major themes such as institutional development, global peace and security, climate change, international cooperation on health, investments and finance and lastly, shared governance for artificial intelligence. Among these, the BRICS bloc’s interest in international security stood out, following the June 24th interesting joint statement where the coalition condemned the attacks on Iranian soil, although it did not directly mention the USA or Israel, leading to dissatisfaction from Tehran, which called for a more definitive and aggressive stance against its historical enemies. The increased interest in new technologies also stands out. China’s willingness to share greater management capacity and know-how in artificial intelligence is a clear indication of China’s desire to position itself as a leading figure in the South-South alliance. Additionally, Beijing’s collaborative approach makes the synergy between China and emerging economies more appealing, with the latter being more incentivized by absolute advantages compared to simply purchasing and importing technologies already developed by Western countries.

The socio-economic weight of the BRICS has significantly increased over the past fifteen years, particularly with the group’s expansion between 2023 and 2024. In 2010, the population of the BRICS countries represented 40-43% of the world’s population, but today, it is estimated to be around 49%. The growth of GDP is also significant, even surprising. A study by Goldman Sachs revealed that the share of global GDP held by BRICS countries in the 1980s and 1990s was around 10%, gradually increasing until 2010, when it reached 25%. Unlike the growth in population, the economic one from 2010 to 2025 was marked by an approximate 80% increase, rising from 25% of global GDP in 2010 to a surprising 42-44% in 2025 (also considering the BRICS+ partner countries). While population growth seems to have leveled off, the economic factor continues to surge, indicating a shift within the systems of the Global South, showcasing the consolidation of developing economies into more mature and resilient economic systems. Despite the significant progress made by these countries, the road to achieving a fair and inclusive economic model is still long, especially in countries like Brazil, India and South Africa, where the economic divide between the elite and the middle-low classes is vast and inconsistent with a socially "correct" setup — in the Western sense of the term.

The conclusions of this 17th summit are characterized by both highlights and shadows. On one hand, the absence of various government authorities fueled suspicions of a distancing between the BRICS members, while on the other hand, Lula’s goal of turning the group into an international forum for "comprehensive" cooperation was partially achieved. Putin's continued isolation with his allies —erroneously referred to as such— should not be seen as an erosion of the "South" bloc in favor of the "North" but rather as an opportunity for the West to promote political and economic growth in a multilateral world. After all, the developments of the last twenty-five years have taught us that history is far from over and that Fukuyama's perspective has not come true with the fall of the Soviet bloc and the assimilation of the old "third world" into the liberal order.

Finally, questions remain regarding the authoritarian systems that characterize the BRICS: how ethically compatible are these with our societies? To what extent is "authoritarism" justifiable in exchange for order, stability and progress? What should be the attitude of Brussels and Washington? These questions should be followed by joint action guidelines from the West, but in a world where even in the North Atlantic cooperation is hard to come by, we can say that the lights and shadows do not only concern Rio de Janeiro but also us, here in the North.

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