Translated by Irene Cecchi
Two years ago, on April 15th 2023, Sudan plunged into a civil war, the latest in a long series of conflicts that have marked the country’s history since gaining independence in 1956. The two main military factions clashing are: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary militia commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti.
The roots of the conflict trace back to the fall of dictator Omar al-Bashir in 2019, after three decades of authoritarian rule. That year, a popular uprising ended his regime and paved the way for a fragile transitional government composed of both military and civilian leaders. However, in 2021, a military coup halted the democratic process and consolidated the army’s power, which has since strengthened its political and economic control.
The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), originally formed as a Janjaweed militia —Arab militias active in Sudan— were used to suppress internal uprisings and have also been accused of serious human rights violations. Their growing influence posed a challenge to the regular army, with which they initially cooperated. The conflict broke out when al-Burhan attempted to integrate the RSF into the regular armed forces, an initiative Hemedti rejected out of fear of losing power and autonomy.
The war quickly spread beyond Khartoum, engulfing large parts of the country, especially Darfur —a region that had previously been the scene of a genocide beginning in 2003, which caused about one million deaths.
The conflict has resulted in a staggering number of casualties and displaced persons: over 12 million people have been forced to flee their homes, making this the world’s worst displacement crisis. The healthcare system is collapsing: hospitals are shutting down or being destroyed and access to care is severely limited due to ongoing violence. Shortages of food, medicine, and fuel have driven prices up dramatically, with more than 3.2 million children at risk of severe malnutrition in 2025.
Despite some medical facilities —mainly in the capital— still operating, the health situation is critical. Diseases like rheumatic heart disease, which especially affects young people, are worsening due to limited access to treatment. Humanitarian organizations are sounding the alarm over the growing emergency, further worsened by a rise in gender-based violence and the spread of communicable diseases.
By late 2024, the SAF had regained control of the capital Khartoum, marking a major turning point in the conflict. The capture of the presidential palace, the airport,+ and the central bank diminished RSF influence in the city, forcing them to retreat toward Omdurman. Nevertheless, the war continues with widespread violence, particularly in outlying regions and an intensification of ethnically driven clashes.
On the political front, the conflict has further fragmented the civilian opposition. Former Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok's attempt to unify civilian forces failed, with some factions allying themselves with the RSF and establishing a government-in-exile in militia-controlled areas. In 2025, Hemedti declared the formation of a “Government of Peace and Unity” and introduced a temporary constitution for the areas under his control.
The Sudanese crisis is also having repercussions in neighboring countries. In South Sudan, internal tensions have flared up again, with new armed clashes between local militias, putting the 2018 peace agreement at risk and increasing regional instability.
Today, the war in Sudan reflects the failure of a governance model based on the militarization of power and the delegation of security to ethnic militias. This system has produced a fragmented country, where the central state has progressively lost control and military elites have prioritized economic and factional interests over national welfare.
The humanitarian disaster, the destruction of infrastructure and widespread violence highlight the urgent need for a profound rethinking of Sudan’s security structures and national politics. The war has shown how ethnic, social and regional tensions —long suppressed or managed through force— have erupted once again with brutal intensity.
Mondo Internazionale APS - Riproduzione Riservata ® 2025
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L'Autore
Wiam Kessab
IT
Wiam Kessab, classe 2001, ha conseguito la laurea triennale presso la Fondazione UniverMantova in mediazione linguistica; lingue per le relazioni internazionali.
Attualmente sta frequentando il corso di laurea magistrale in relazioni internazionali e diplomazia, curriculum in diritto internazionale ed economia presso l’Università degli studi di Padova.
Durante i suoi studi ha sviluppato un forte interesse sia per le relazioni internazionali che per le lingue.
Attualmente è autrice di Mondo internazionale Post per "Società e Legge".
EN
Wiam Kessab, born in 2001, graduated from the Fondazione UniverMantova in language mediation; languages for international relations.
She is currently attending the Master's degree course in international relations and diplomacy, curriculum in international law and economy at the University of Padua.
During her studies, she developed a strong interest for the international relations and languages.
She is currently author of International World Post for 'Society and Law'.
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Sudan #CivilWar guerra sudan